A new book by Dutch sociologist Jan Breman reveals how the bonded labor system in India, though officially abolished, persists in insidious, morphed forms.
Rejimon Kuttappan
Picture used for representational purpose only
Between 2007 and 2017, as a reporter in Oman, I was deeply immersed in telling migration stories, with the plight of labor migrants in the Arab Gulf occupying the forefront of my focus.
During those years, Gulf countries were far from adopting labor-friendly policies, leaving workers vulnerable to countless forms of exploitation. Through my reporting, participation in global meetings, research papers, and impassioned speeches, I dedicated myself to advocating for the rights of those seeking a better life beyond their borders. This commitment remains steadfast even today, as I continue this work as an independent journalist and forced labor investigator after returning to my hometown in Kerala.
Yet, a glaring truth remained stubbornly overlooked: the plight of India's internal migrants, the invisible backbone of the nation's workforce. They were always present—in my hometown, my own neighbourhood—but often unseen. Their faces blurred into anonymity; their stories unheard amidst the noise of daily life. Their tired faces and tattered clothing made them all look alike, blending into the background of a society that failed to acknowledge their struggles. Unfortunately, regardless of whether they come from an eastern state or a northeastern state, many Keralites—despite their own deep understanding of migration—often refer to them collectively as "Bengalis," reflecting an attitude of indifference or condescension.
It was the brutal hand of the Covid-19 pandemic that ripped away the veil of indifference. The sudden lockdown, implemented without a whisper of preparation, thrust these forgotten souls into the harsh glare of reality.
Thousands upon thousands, driven by a desperate longing for home, embarked on perilous journeys. Images seared into my memory – exhausted figures trudging miles on foot, seeking solace in the unforgiving embrace of railway tracks. Sleep, a cruel respite, turned into a deadly trap. Trains, oblivious to their slumber, claimed countless lives. Others fell prey to the callous indifference of speeding trucks, their bodies broken and abandoned on the unforgiving asphalt. Hunger and thirst, silent assassins, awaited those who reached their villages, only to find empty cupboards and parched throats.
These tragedies, etched in blood and tears, became the catalyst for my awakening. I embarked on a relentless journey to understand the lives of India's internal migrants. Since 2021, my work investigating forced labor among workers—primarily migrants—in various industries across India has further deepened my understanding through real-life encounters and firsthand evidence. Additionally, books, both physical and digital, have been invaluable companions, each page shedding light on their struggles, resilience, and humanity.
Dutch sociologist Jan Breman’s Fighting Free to Become Unfree Again: The Social History of Bondage and Neo-Bondage of Labor in India was among them.
On page 31 of his book, Breman reveals a disturbing truth. In the early 1830s, a parliamentary questionnaire exposed the brutal reality of labor bondage in Gujarat, a state on the western coast of India. Despite recognizing it as a form of enslavement, the British East India Company officials turned a blind eye, unwilling to upset the powerful land- owners who relied on this servile workforce. Their justification was chilling: landless tribals were desperate for survival and hence eagerly embraced this bondage.
History paints a stark picture. Colonial rule did little to liberate the peasant class, forever tethered to a landless existence. With the intrusion of capitalism, their already precarious lives were further commodified, their attachments reduced to mere transactions. And so they moved from bonded labor in agriculture to other jobs in urban and semi-urban areas, driven by a com- plex tapestry of reasons. They were free, yes, but forever caught in a struggle against “unfreedom,” as Breman’s poignant title suggests.
45 years of Work
In 2023, Breman—currently Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research, and Honorary Fellow at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam— published Fighting Free, the culmination of fieldwork conducted for over 45 years in Gujarat, focusing on millions of workers who have been forced out of agricultural work to earn their livelihood from different types of casual urban labor. His extensive historical research has led him to a stark conclusion: the bonded labor system in India, though officially abolished, persists in insidious, morphed forms.
It was the brutal hand of the Covid-19 pandemic that ripped away the veil of public ignorance and indifference to this reality. More specifically, it was the sudden nationwide lock- down in India in 2020—declared and enforced in a mere four days by the government, without a whisper of preparation— that thrust these for- gotten souls into the public eye. The sudden lockdown triggered a shocking exodus of nearly 10 million migrant workers who, facing sudden unemployment, began a long journey back to their homes. Many of them walked for days, while others were forced to stay in cramped, unsanitary shelters with limited access to food, water, and basic amenities. Government aid was slow and insufficient; lack of proper docu-mentation further restricted access to essential services for this marginalized population.
An International Labor Organization paper claims that between March and July 2020, around 1,000 people, primarily migrant workers, died directly due to the lockdown, despite the government’s denial of such data.
Images of these workers were seared into public memory—exhausted figures including children and pregnant women, trudging hundreds of miles on foot for days. Sleep, a cruel respite, turned into a deadly trap when passenger trains, oblivious to the people sleeping on the tracks, claimed countless lives. Others fell prey to the callous indifference of speeding trucks, their dead bodies abandoned on the asphalt. Hunger and thirst, silent assassins, awaited those who finally reached their villages, only to find empty cupboards and hungry families awaiting them.
Breman’s incisive analysis of the condition of India’s internal migrants comes at a time when the Indian government has “streamlined” its labor laws, consolidating forty-four statutes into four comprehensive labor codes, with the intention to “universalise minimum wages and timely payment of wages.” While the govern- ment touts simplified regulations, trade unions have asked the government to drop these changes, citing concerns about diminished worker bargaining power.
Slavery was abolished under the Indian Slavery Act of 1843. Yet, according to the 2023 Global Slavery Index, India is home to over 11 million slaves, the highest number of any country. They include people trapped in forced labor, human trafficking, and child exploitation. In sectors such as construction and farm-based industry, Breman exposes workers trapped in neo-bondage through long working hours with poor wages and the denial of overtime wages, advance payments made with high interest, a little mobility, and the lack of social protections and basic rights.
In examining the population of forced labor, Breman’s work transcends a mere study of societal structures and class inequalities. His unique approach sets his work apart from others in the field. His historical analysis traces the evolution of labor systems, revealing how “new” forms of bondage arose even after abolition. The book’s title reflects the past struggles of workers against formal bondage, only for them to become unfree again in modern India.
“Free” versus “Unfree”
Breman also deconstructs simplistic “free” versus “unfree” labor definitions. He argues that these binary definitions fail to capture the complexities of modern power dynamics and labor relations, particularly in the context of informal economies. He highlights the gradual and intertwined nature of various forms of labor, showing how “free” and “unfree” labor often exist on a spectrum, rather than as clear- cut divisions. For example, a worker might be technically self-employed (“free”) yet be deeply indebted to a patron, limiting their options and bargaining power.
He emphasizes the prevalence of hidden dependencies within seemingly “free” markets. Informal workers often rely on intermediaries, brokers, or contractors who wield significant power over their access to work, wages, and working conditions. These dependencies create vulnerabilities that restrict freedom even in the absence of formal bondage. Focusing solely on formal contracts as the marker of “free” labor is insufficient, as even formal wage relations can be marked by significant power imbalances, exploitative practices, and limited agency for workers. “Free” labor does not automatically ensure social protection and security. Breman acknowledges the agency and resistance of workers in these complex environments, work- ing as individuals and groups to find ways to negotiate, resist, and improve their conditions.
The book is divided into three sections: Part I lays out the historical origins of bonded labor, Part II delves into the contemporary realities of neo-bondage, and Part III explores the broader context of the circulation of labor in the informal economy, government promises to get rid of poverty, and the failure to deliver.
Breman delves into the crucial role of caste in worker “hiring,” labor migration, and the cyclical nature of movement. India’s millennia-old caste system enforces a rigid social hierarchy, dictating occupations, opportunities, and even personal interactions based solely on one’s birth. Lower castes often reside at the bottom of the economic ladder, performing manual labor, with limited opportunities for upward mobility. Their eco- nomic disadvantage stems directly from their assigned caste roles. The hierarchical structure of the caste system pits communities against each other, hindering collective action and solidarity among workers regardless of class. Upper castes often use the caste system to legitimize their economic dominance and subjugate lower castes, making economic resistance challenging.
Gandhi and Patel
As his fieldwork was conducted in Gujarat, Breman examines the contrasting views on bonded labor of two Gujarat-born giants of India’s freedom struggle, Mohandas Gandhi and Sardar Vallabhai Patel. Both Gandhi and Patel were national leaders of the Indian National Congress, which fought for freedom from the British Empire. Breman finds that while Gandhi focused on the poverty of workers, ignoring caste, Patel linked their situation to their lower caste status. Breman discusses how Gandhi formed the Halpati Seva Sangh (HSS-loosely translating as the Halpati Service Organization) to “help” Dalit landless workers in bonded labor. In Gujarat, the Halpatis are landless agricultural laborers of the Dalit community. Breman argues that the HSS aimed to keep Halpatis within Hinduism, the majority religion in India, instead of truly addressing workers’ issues. In the early 20th century caste census in India, confusion arose over whether many Dalit and lower-caste communities should be included as Hindus (their inclusion contributed to the Hindu majority.) Like other groups, Halpatis were kept “close” to the Hindu religion, in the face of conversions to Christianity and Islam among Dalit and lower- caste communities happening at that time.
In one of many anecdotes in the book, Breman narrates how the Anavil Brahmins, upper caste landowners in Gujarat, orchestrated the closure of a school under the pretense of its poor quality of education. Breman’s investigation reveals that the true motive was to prevent Halpati Dalit working-class children from attending the school where Anavil Brahmin children also attended. Breman narrates his return two decades later to the same Gujarati villages where he conducted his first fieldwork in 1962 and 1963, and sees how bonded labor has changed: with the weakening of the bond- age system, Halpatis were able to move out of agrarian jobs into other jobs in urban areas.
Absence of Ambedkar
A major absence in Breman’s book is a discussion of Dr B. R. Ambedkar, the champion of Dalit rights and equality in India, a jurist and intellectual giant who headed the committee drafting the Constitution of India in 1949. This is a substantial oversight because the root cause of the exploitation Breman records in this book lies in a fundamental truth that Ambedkar had laid out decades ago: that, without eradicating caste, India cannot tackle class. By dismantling the caste system, Ambedkar believed, true class solidarity could emerge. Workers wouldn’t be divided by pre-assigned social positions, thus allowing them to unite against exploitative sys- tems based on shared economic struggles. Breman’s fieldwork lays bare the fact that Dr. Ambedkar’s caste analysis of the early 1900s remains relevant in independent India today, and caste continues to fuel the bonded labor system in agriculture, shackling generations to poverty, marginalization, and economic disadvantage.
Breman further observes a fascinating political dynamic in 1970s Gujarat. While the Halpatis remained loyal to the Indian National Congress (generally called the Congress Party), the Anavil Brahmins and “Other Backward Classes” (OBCs, a category used to describe other socially backward groups in India) gravitated toward Hindu fundamentalist groups. These groups, Breman notes, laid the ground- work for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has become India’s dominant political force today. Notably, the BJP’s Narendra Modi, currently India’s Prime Minister, served as Gujarat’s Chief Minister for over twelve years (2001 to 2014) before assuming his national role in 2014, coinciding with the BJP’s national ascendancy that began in 1995. While Breman himself may not explicitly attribute the BJP’s success in Gujarat to tensions between caste and class, one can infer that these factors are indeed intertwined. In India’s complex social fabric, caste and religion often play a signifi- cant role in determining who holds power.
Breman astutely analyzes how the BJP has strategically made inroads into the Dalit com- munity (formerly known as “untouchables”) through targeted “political welfare” initiatives. These efforts capitalized on widespread discontent among Dalits disillusioned by bureaucratic hurdles and inefficiencies plaguing traditional government schemes implemented by the Congress Party. Breman further observes the Hindu nationalists’ attempt to broaden their appeal by appointing Dalits and OBCs to positions in the Bajrang Dal, a militant Hindu organization known for its cadre structure.
Gujarat’s political landscape has historically served as a testing ground for Hindu nationalist ideologies (Hindutva), fostering the rise of Narendra Modi as Chief Minister and eventually paving the way for his subsequent two- term, decade-long tenure as Prime Minister of India.
Breman also raises his differences with Daniel Thorner, one of the first American scholars to work on the Indian economy and Indian economic history, who contested the notion of a simple, copycat transition from feudalism to capitalism in India, rejecting the idea that it would simply replicate the European path of change. But Breman’s fieldwork contradicts Thorner’s assessment. He found that landown- ers underwent a transformation into capitalist farmers while maintaining a lifestyle that requires the exploitation of a subjugated tribal community deprived of land ownership.
My Findings
In November 2023, I embarked on a twenty- day investigation into forced labor and debt bondage among migrant workers in a South Indian state that is a major exporter to the United States and China. This project, commissioned by a leading global legal firm dedicated to eradicating modern-day slavery in supply chains, led to a chilling realization: in some ways, nothing has changed since 1978, when Breman first identified the insidious phenomenon of “neo-bondage.”
Migrant workers, primarily from East and North East India, are ensnared by exploitative practices orchestrated by “gang bosses.” Wages, rather than serving as fair compensation, are used as a tool of control: every slip-up or perceived act of disobedience results in deductions, pushing workers further into debt and dependency. The similarities don’t end there. Just as Breman has shown, the workers I encountered face harsh working conditions, limited freedom of movement, constant surveillance, and sexual abuse. The notion of escape seems just a cruel mirage.
In the book’s concluding chapter, Breman rejects Thorner’s optimism that rural laborers could leverage political democracy to improve their social standing and bargaining power. He calls Thorner’s vision a “pipe dream” and criticizes today’s Indian National Congress, the largest opposition party, for its empty promises of worker liberation. Breman further emphasizes how Prime Minister Modi and his party’s embrace of neoliberal capitalism has exacerbated the problem. Their ideology promoting self-reliance as the sole solution for workers to be able to support themselves and their dependents is an approach that Breman deems unrealistic and insufficient.
Despite attempts by the current government to discredit them, Breman holds onto the hope that social organizations and human rights activists fighting the neo-bondage system and other forms of exploitation will not be silenced. He believes their fights will not only continue but will resonate beyond the initial spheres where they began, spreading their message and influence wider. Breman argues that a social movement is crucial, one that succeeds in mobilizing the vast segments excluded from main- stream society and the economy, challenging the hegemonic and authoritarian order.
While this is certainly true, such a movement requires immense energy and effort, and resources on a scale that is scarce among Dalits, Adivasis, and other working classes in the face of the relentless juggernaut of Hindutva. To counter it, their efforts will need to be redoubled, even tripled. Breman also points to the urgent need for better national policy: stronger legal frameworks, enforcement mechanisms, and worker empowerment initiatives.
Despite the breadth of its scholarship, Fighting Free is a book for all readers. It blends academic analysis with personal anecdotes and vivid descriptions of fieldwork experiences. Data and statistics are presented alongside qualitative research, making it an accessible read for anyone with an interest in the subject. Breman makes the point that neo-bondage is not an isolated phenomenon but is intricately linked to broader structures of globalized capitalism. This global perspective encourages readers to consider the wider forces that perpetuate the exploitation of the poorest of workers around the world in the modern age.
Rejimon Kuttappan is an independent journalist, forced labor investigator, migrant rights researcher, and author of Undocumented (Penguin, 2021)
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